Can I just say – I endorse many of the ideas central to this post, by Paul Evans?
Indeed, much of my post about Red Toryism (and my view more generally about the conservative task) is to regenerate our political being; my enthusiasm for localism (rightly understood) is very much one of enabling and encouraging people to come together again, and re-learn the art of being a community, working through disagreements to compromise.
For that reason, I do share some of Evans’ reservations about the Tory proposals for local government, especially the use of plebiscites on… well, just about anything. I also am not enamoured of elected police chiefs – they’ll either be toothless whingers or petty tyrants; elected executive mayors, however, I think have significant potential, given the changed nature of the relationship between bureaucracy and voter. (Much of the rest of the world seems to survive fine with them, as well.)
So, yes, I’m with Paul – for politics before any ideological principle. I think it was Martin Diamond who said that the American Founding Fathers designed their constitution on the premise that “the common people are usually sensible, but rarely wise” - and it’s a sound principle. Most people have, well, lives, which means that their engagement in politics is changeable, transient. We need a politics which engages them to understand their aims and aspirations, but as a part of dialogue, not to passively adjust.
Political institutions should be designed to achieve good government – decisive where it matters, deliberative where it doesn’t. Because of heated passions and concentrated interests, pure democratic majoritarianism doesn’t work* – referendums (I believe this was Thatch) “are devices of dictators and demagogues”.
I say all this, and I remember too that it was a Labour Government which, with the support of its members, brought us plebiscites on devolution in Scotland and Wales (the Welsh one passed with about a quarter of the electorate backing it), on local mayors, and a mania (as Evans alludes) for relentless consultation which undermined the political authority of local government institutions. I recall that it was a Labour Government which gave this country its only nationwide referendum (on membership of the EEC in 1975; this was the occasion for the Thatcher quote).
So, while I agree with Evans that the drift of Tory policy is “dangerous”, I can’t agree that it’s necessarily “reactionary”, except as maybe a gamble; indeed, typically, the notion of institutions providing pure democratic rule is something considered Left, progressive.
It may be that the times have changed and tables turned. Possibly, the unmet demands of democratic majorities (or, anyway, pluralities) now lean more to the concerns of the Right (increasing police authority, NIMBYism, taxcapping) than of the Left (redistributionism, diversity). This is probably part of why I’m enthusiastic for a political localism; that people, empowered to govern themselves, will typically help to regenerate our social and cultural fabric. But note that Evans and I (Left and Right) would seem able to find some consensus on means here, even as we may differ significantly on ends; so let’s not damn referendum madness as a sickness only (or even primarily) of the Right.
* Incidentally, because of transient engagement and our tendency to tribalise, proportional representation model tend to undermine good government; too often, they finish up approximating a proof of the Schmittian critique of Parliamentarism.
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Your endorsement of my article reflects remarkably well upon you as a human being B.
Comment by Paul Evans February 24, 2009 @ 2:57 amOh dear. I’d better take it all back then…
Comment by blimpish February 24, 2009 @ 9:06 amLot to agree with here. You’re quite right on referendums, one of the (few) areas that I wholeheartedly agree with Thatcher (and I seem to remember writing something similar on the subject on the Sharpener many moons ago). For me they embody a total rejection of the traditions of British representative democracy. They have no redeeming feature. (As an aside, though, I don’t think it’s fair to criticise the Welsh referendum in the way you do – such percentage anomalies are the norm in any voting system. Thatcher pushed through enormous change on the country with a pretty dismal percentage share of the population voting for her.)
I’m conflicted about elected mayors. It’s true that most of the world gets on very well with them, but I think UK political culture would need to move quite a bit to get them to work. Mayors would need very robust executive powers and solid scrutiny by some kind of legislative branch. That exists here in the US. The UK could not be further away, and there is a risk of putting the cart before the horse, and giving us elected mayors whose only role is to pontificate, thus eroding confidence in the very local institutions they are meant to foster. (The example of London is not necessarily predictive – it’s no accident, I think, that both London mayors have been huge national political personalities in their own right. It’s hard to see Nuneaton, say, getting a similar heavyweight.)
Comment by ex-3A February 24, 2009 @ 6:23 pmAbout Wales, I think the point about voter turnouts is more important when you’re talking about a plebiscite than a Parliamentary majority. Referendum advocates always phrase their arguments in absolutist democratic terms; representative institutions’ legitimacy is more diffuse, small-c conservative.
About Mayors – I just think that the local Council model has become so utterly dysfunctional, in part because the local media finds it an uninteresting story except in (say) Birmingham and Manchester, and even then most people lose touch with the personalities. A Mayoral model suits celebrity times – even at local level. (Nuneaton did give the world Larry Grayson, I seem to recall.)
Comment by blimpish February 24, 2009 @ 6:45 pmIf ‘political institutions’ aren’t responsive to the wishes of the electorate, then extremist parties stock will rise.
I think the Conservatives recognise that the exercise of government power has become insulated from the voters, and that this has to change.
Comment by Dave B February 25, 2009 @ 9:00 amI think that the preference for referendums among many elements of the political right-of-centre reflects quite an interesting shift within Conservatism – and one that shouldn’t be welcome among those within the Conservative Party who want it to succeed electorally. My party (Labour) spent a good deal of time in the early 1980s relishing the … er .. *energy* of many of it’s activist base, taking any political endorsement as a positive thing. They made it difficult for us to get elected and would have made it impossible for us to govern had they remained a fixture. This direct democracy crowd on the right today will not be seen as a blessing if the next election goes the way that bookies think it will.
On the question of Mayors, I think that you could extrapolate a lot of the arguments against referendums to include a rejection of the idea of a single elected official (I’ve never been a supporter of the idea personally). It’s a rejection of something that I think that we – on the centre-left and many traditional Burkean Tories would agree upon – the ‘distributed moral wisdom’ of Parliament – a force that sometimes transcends political divisions (i.e. as a Labour voter, I’d possibly prefer a ‘parliamentarian’ Tory majority in parliament to a populist Labour one).
Comment by Paul Evans March 2, 2009 @ 4:11 am[...] the theory is explicit or implicit. To give an example from the only Tory blog I regularly read, Blimpish Tory in his most recent blog article states, “I’m with Paul [Evans] – for politics before any [...]
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